Footprints by Antonio Figueroa

Tattered peace

To say that peace can be achieved when contending factions sit face to face in negotiations is a philosophy that argues that abuse must come first before the handshake. For what better way to describe our quest for harmony in Mindanao than in the manner the government has viewed the actual problem—that is, poverty—that has given rise to the discord in the South.

Each time bombs explode there is corresponding collateral damage. And each time lives are ripped apart, the urgency to resolve the root of the conflict is at times underestimated. Even the military has poked fun on these attacks by saying these incidents are “isolated cases.”

The Mindanao conflict is an economic issue, period. Concerns about religious friction and agrarian dispute are in fact secondary concerns that can be addressed when the issue of neglect, which in turn leads to poverty, is seriously taken cared of. No matter how flowing the potentials of the island are in the moist eyes of politicians, the centralization of government initiatives in Luzon and the Visayas has added fuel to a worthy cause of liberating Mindanao from the concentric leaders whose perception about nationalism is actually confined to what the southern population calls as ‘imperial Manila.’

Muslims brandish guns not as a matter of bullying; rather, they carry them to tell the authorities (and the majority) that in the arrangement of priorities, specifically bureaucratic ones, minorities must not be overlooked. And if being in the ‘smaller’ sector means getting only what is fair, the amenities extended to them, if there are, should not be confined to crumbs or leftovers.

Atrocities perpetrated by Muslims, if we take an unbiased looked at them, are hardly the kind of assaults intended to ignite war between the Moro people and the Christians. Bombs are blasted in civilian centers for maximum effect, but the twin targets are always irrefutable.

First, the military establishment that has always viewed ‘rightful’ causes, if they are done outside accepted conventions, as tools of destabilization; and second, the government which embraces the philosophy that economic gains must only be shared by regions close to the seat of power.

The rise of communist insurgency and the emergence of Moro secessionist movement are indelibly linked to bureaucratic disregard. Where there are billions of pesos that can be earmarked overnight for new railways in Luzon in the name of progress, in Mindanao such intent is a mere illusion.

As a matter of reality, from budget allocations to the installation of major projects, the southern island has always been deemed a second-class beneficiary. And that impression has only affirmed the belief of Mindanao residents to create their own republic.

If the national administrations, past and present, strongly believe in the potentials of Mindanao, why have they failed to give it an equitable share in all the deals they have decided? Parity should be the measure of equitability. But such is not the case even when it comes to fiscal concerns. As has been promoted, Luzon gets all the fat loans for its own good, but Mindanao shares in paying the obligation.

Talking peace may be a good deviation from the armed conflict that has again placed the South on pins and needles. But negotiations, for all they are worth, hardly reflect the true sentiment of Mindanao residents if the intent of these talks is mere palliative. Instead, why not go down to ground zero and isolate the problems that have really aggravated the tension in Mindanao?

Peace in Mindanao cannot be achieved if the best services the government can offer are only extended to regions that are already armed with amenities that ensure them as vital conduits in earning fat revenues for the national government.

Peace in Mindanao cannot be attained if rogue military and police elements, in the name of law enforcement, use wayward Moro and Christian rebels as assets, creating a public impression that authorities are more concerned with options that insulate the public from the civil government.

Peace in Mindanao cannot be accomplished if ‘imperial Manila’ does not carry the philosophy of appreciation by infusing more projects and investments in Mindanao in exchange for the raw materials the southern island has contributed in keeping the manufacturing sector above water.

Peace in Mindanao is nowhere close to realization if the national leadership continues to map out plans for the South, including mining and its development as food basket of the country, but without really intending to implement them. It is these unfulfilled promises that have really heightened Mindanao’s anger towards imperial Manila, and continues to fuel furiously.

Peace in Mindanao is never achievable, not even in the near future, simply because the State has always been reluctant to take risks in Mindanao. If the government can squander funds for initiatives that have very limited impact, it is unacceptable to accept there are lesser investments that have been set aside for the development of the South.

Peace in Mindanao will never come if the rogue law enforcers continue to equip the insurgents and secessionists with arms and explosives pilfered from the government armories. Why kidnap crimes, terrorist acts, and criminalities keep rising in the island, the only ones to be blamed for the unsettling scenario are those authorities who are imbued with the clout to execute what is necessary and right in keeping the lawless elements in their jungle lairs.

As we re-start peace talks as an upshot of the numerous bombings that have rocked Mindanao in the past week, so are we giving the state foes the reason to believe that going to the negotiation table means also giving them the elbow room to put in place their plans when the next round of discussions fail.

Remember the aborted GRP-MILF peace accord last year? Expect a repeat of its aftermath.